Exclusive: The Fight for the Comoros

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Summary: the Comoros is currently experiencing intense civil unrest and revolutionary momentum triggered by a sharp increase in fuel prices under the increasingly autocratic leadership of President Azali Assoumani. In this exclusive interview, Said Hachim Achirafi outlines the Comorian government-in-exile’s strategy to dismantle President Azali Assoumani’s autocratic regime and restore democratic governance through diaspora mobilisation and international pressure. 

This week the Comoros has been gripped by a sudden and violent escalation of civil unrest that observers believe may mark the beginning of a revolutionary shift. Triggered by a government decree on Saturday, fuel prices have surged – diesel by 46% and gasoline by 35% – with Energy Minister Aboubacar Said Anli citing the Iran conflict as the primary cause.

Massive roadblocks and burning tires have paralyzed the capital, Moroni, and surrounding districts. While ostensibly a response to fuel costs, the uprising reflects a deeper malaise and economic exhaustion among a population struggling under systemic corruption and failing infrastructure. With the government-in-exile calling for mobilisation, the Assoumani regime faces its most significant challenge to date. Despite the growing chaos, official state communication remains silent as tensions reach a breaking point.

As a member of the Arab League, the Comoros falls within the analytical remit of Arab Digest. This archipelago off the East African coast, which has endured over a dozen coups since gaining independence from France in 1975, remains among the world’s least developed nations. Two decades ago, Freedom House cited the Comoros as a rare “electoral democracy” in the Arab world. However, recent years have seen significant democratic backsliding under the increasingly autocratic rule of Azali Assoumani. A former military officer, Assoumani secured a fourth term in 2024 following an election widely denounced by the opposition as fraudulent. Tensions peaked in September 2024 when the President was injured in a knife attack; the primary suspect, a 24-year-old soldier, died in custody the following day under suspicious circumstances.

Despite its size, the Comoros holds immense strategic weight. Situated between East Africa and Madagascar, the Comoros is a vital maritime gateway. Approximately one-third of global shipping traverses the Mozambique Channel, a route now equally defined by significant hydrocarbon reserves and illicit trafficking.

Secondly, sovereignty over Mayotte, which remained French after 1975, remains a bone of contention. While Mayotte serves as a gateway to the EU for Comorian migrants, the dispute has been exploited by Russia to fuel anti-French sentiment, mirroring tactics seen in the Sahel. China has similarly deepened its regional footprint.

Thirdly, the country has drawn international scrutiny for its role in the “shadow fleet,” providing flags of convenience to vessels linked to Russia and Iran suspected of illicitly transporting crude oil.

In response to the deepening political crisis, in January this year a significant new political movement emerged in France, a development regarded by observers as the most consequential shift in the Comorian political landscape in two decades. This momentum culminated on 26 April, when the government-in-exile convened a major rally in Marseille, home to the largest Comorian diaspora. Led by Said Hachim Achirafi, a veteran statesman and 2016 presidential candidate, the movement seeks to provide a definitive alternative to the status quo. In this exclusive interview with Arab Digest on 26 April, so before the current unrest, Achirafi outlined his strategic vision for a democratic transition and the complexities involved in dismantling the incumbent regime.

What is the primary objective of the event being held today? 

The objective of this event is to raise awareness within the diaspora regarding the hardships facing our country, which has been subjected to the dictatorship of Azali Assoumani for several years. We recognise the vital importance of this diaspora, which annually contributes the equivalent of 20% of the Comorian budget. I want this diaspora to unite and mobilise for the salvation of the Comoros. Comorians must understand that it is also their money that allows this dictatorship to perpetrate its hold on power; the diaspora builds roads, schools, and health centres in place of a government that has decimated health and education. Diaspora funds essentially “buy” social peace in a country where civil servants can face up to six months of salary arrears.

Furthermore, this event is an opportunity to sensitise the international community. Diaspora funding is bolstered by bilateral and multilateral aid. Organisations and countries allocating funds to the Comoros must know that this aid is often misappropriated for the benefit of Azali Assoumani and his clan. I believe these organisations have a crucial role to play by conditioning their aid on the establishment of a democratic regime that actively fights corruption.

What is your message to the French government and the European Union?

France and the European Union play an essential role in the advent of democracy and the rule of law in my country. France shares a historical relationship with the Comoros. It is imperative that France – the homeland of human rights – now stands with the suffering Comorian people rather than with a dictator. Adopting such a stance would restore a place of honour for France and the EU in the hearts of Comorians.

Generally speaking, how would you describe the opposition landscape? Are there many distinct groups?

There is indeed a pluralistic opposition, but we have recently seen strong initiatives to unify these forces. A united opposition front has emerged, alongside a broader Comorian opposition assembly. The government-in-exile that I represent is driven by a desire for unification. I believe the various existing groups have understood the necessity of coordinating our actions.

President Azali has held power for ten years without significant opposition. Why is this event happening today?

There have been other mobilisation events, particularly within the framework of the United Opposition Front; this event is not a first. The establishment of the government-in-exile under my presidency marks a new stage in the struggle against Azali. Such a government seeks to integrate opposition figures from all backgrounds into an organisation prepared to govern when the time comes.

How would you describe the current situation in the Comoros, and what is your assessment of Azali Assoumani’s leadership since 2016?

To answer your question, one need only look at the frequent power outages and the deplorable state of hospitals, roads, the airport, and public institutions. Educational and health facilities at all levels have been abandoned after years of the Assoumani regime. Many Comorians – at least those with the means – seek medical treatment abroad.

Azali sold the people the vision of an “Emerging Comoros by 2030.” It is now 2026, and the country is economically on its knees, lacking industry and functional infrastructure. The dream he sold has become a nightmare. He promised “one youth, one job,” yet he holds the dismal record for endemic unemployment and, tragically, for young people killed by his gendarmerie and army. To this bleak picture, we must add systemic corruption, dozens of political prisoners, forced exile for opponents, a massive trade deficit, and unsustainable foreign debt. The Comoros now imports almost everything.

Could you elaborate on the current political climate and the state of human rights?

We live in a country where opponents are muzzled; many, like myself, have fled repression. The judiciary is under government orders. This is a country where a popular former president was sentenced to life imprisonment following a sham trial, and though he is ill, he is denied the right to seek medical treatment abroad. To summarise: it is a land of arbitrary rule where violence by the police, gendarmerie and army is commonplace.

What is the specific role of Azali’s sons within the government?

Like many African dictators, Azali Assoumani is pursuing a dynastic agenda. He appointed his son, whose CV is virtually empty, as Secretary General of the Government, granting him the prerogatives of a Prime Minister, a post that does not exist in the Comorian constitution. All ministers are subject to his son, who controls everything and validates all government projects. He also appointed another son to a rank equivalent to Chief of Staff, giving him authority over the army and gendarmerie.

He is locking down power to control the forces of repression in anticipation of the 2029 elections, which will likely result in further electoral fraud, as seen in 2019 and 2024, unless the international community intervenes. I issue a solemn appeal to the international community to closely monitor the democratic process. At stake is the future of a country with immense potential that is being stifled by a visionless dictator whose only compass is the personal enrichment of his clan.

What are the levers to end this regime?

The Comorian people are fighting this regime with no weapon other than courage. We are a peaceful and faithful people.

President Azali was targeted in an attack in September 2024, and the assailant subsequently died in custody. What can you tell us?

The individual was a young man named Fanou, who attacked Azali with a blade. It was the act of a desperate youth who had once again seen Azali hijack an election result for his own benefit. Fanou is a symbol of a generation whose future has been darkened by this dictatorship. Azali sows hatred in the hearts of the youth. Fanou sacrificed himself to send a signal; he knew he would be arrested or killed. He died in prison after enduring long sessions of torture without ever receiving a trial.

When the regime eventually falls, what is your plan for the transition of power?

Upon Azali’s departure – which I hope is imminent – our first priority will be to restore the 2001 Constitution, which brought peace and stability. We will establish a transitional government to manage this phase and organise democratic elections under international supervision.

We must reinstate the Anti-Corruption Commission with non-partisan members of high moral authority and restore a credible Supreme Court, unlike the current one which is under Azali’s thumb. This transitional government will have a maximum duration of two years.

“Ghost ships” involved in smuggling under the Comorian flag are a major concern. Why is this phenomenon growing, and what measures do you propose?

We unfortunately lack reliable information on this specific matter. However, other Indian Ocean nations manage ship registries that generate significant revenue, sometimes hundreds of millions of euros. In the Comoros, this activity is conducted with total opacity. We do not know how the funds are managed. The Comorian state is directly responsible if its flag is used for fraudulent operations, such as smuggling or bypassing international sanctions. This lack of transparency severely damages our international credibility and risks our country being classed as a rogue state.

Officially since 2015 Anam (the Comorian National Maritime Affairs Authority) has been directly responsible for this practice, so if illicit trafficking and corruption persist within this “shadow fleet” system, utilising Comorian flags of convenience for Russia and other nations, it now directly implicates the highest authorities in the country.

This raises several critical questions: what is the destination of the revenue generated from this flag-of-convenience trade? Are these funds allocated to the national treasury and the Comorian budget for the public good, or are they merely lining the pockets of corrupt officials within the Assoumani regime?

Furthermore, there is a profound concern regarding the disloyalty of Comorian authorities toward European nations. While Europe provides substantial aid to the Comoros, the current administration is simultaneously assisting Russian interests through this shadow trafficking fleet: an act that stands in direct opposition to European efforts to support Ukraine.

This interview has been corrected to make clear the Comorian Registry is the responsibility of the Comorian government. The last two paragraphs were added following publication at the request of the Comorian government-in-exile.